If you have a problem, fix it. But train yourself not to worry, worry fixes nothing. - Ernest Hemingway

Thursday 27 February 2020

Playback theatre, Bengaluru






Last night, I was at a performance by Playback Theatre, Bengaluru, and this morning, the omniscient Wikipedia told me what it means: “Playback Theatre is an original form of improvisational theatre in which audience or group members tell stories from their lives and watch them enacted on the spot.”

Turning back a few pages, it was possibly in the 1980s when I watched some of Badal Sarkar’s plays after he took theatre out of the proscenium. During those performances, the audience used to sit on the four sides of a bare hall with zero props, with their backs to the wall and the actors were in the middle. They would directly interact with the audience and often, different men and women would play out different parts of the same play at the same time on two or more parts of the hall. It was an experience.

I do not remember all the Badal Sarkar plays that I lived through on the first floor of the Theosophical Society premises off College Street in Kolkata. It was a fascinating combination, some guys reportedly got in touch with ghosts on the ground floor, even as Badal Sarkar’s ruthless realism played out on the first floor. I watched Michil (Procession) and Bhoma, and a few others there. But what I experienced last night was even more fascinating, and in a moment, I’ll explain why.

There were four actors, three girls and a boy in their twenties, two musicians, a boy who played different instruments and a girl who played the guitar and sang beautifully. The seventh member of the team, the anchor person, got the audience involved in the performance. Last night’s proceedings began with a simple question “How do you feel now?”

A young man sitting next to me said he had taken four Uber rides during the day, and all the four drivers had been Muslims. He said that he hadn’t interacted much with two of them, but with the other two, both driver and the passenger ended up crying together. The moment he stopped, a girl was driving a taxi and the four actors performed the narrator’s experience with an incredible degree of understanding and sophistication. I was dumbstruck. How did they work so well without any preparation? Could they read each other’s mind?

From there, the compere moved on to how the audience felt (after three days of pogrom in Delhi). From there, the discursive conversation moved on to “resistance” and how individual members of the audience was initiated to the idea of resistance. Someone got the idea from penny-less, cast-away former freedom fighter in his early childhood, someone when she studied the Jim Crow Laws at a university in the US and related the caste system she had lived through as a child without ever realising there was anything wrong about it.

The brilliant ensemble brought to life each one of those experiences.

It was so heartening to see these young men and women, who have such depth and who have to offer so much to us. Once again, I thought we must not lose hope. Our future is bright!

Thursday, 27 February 2020

Saturday 22 February 2020

Patriotism of the Insane



[Here is the English translation of a deeply moving anecdote written by my friend Bharatjyoti Roychowdhury, followed by my translation into English.

Before going into the brief piece, here’s an introduction to the author. Bharatjyoti was a district level leader in the Naxalbari Movement in Birbhum, West Bengal. He was in prison for many years and was brutally tortured in custody.

While Bhartjyoti was in active politics, that is during the 1970s, the Congress government of West Bengal through their police and henchmen murdered thousands of young men. Once, confronted with certain death in the hands of sarkari goons, Baratjyoti jumped off a running train under the cover of darkness and, though badly injured, saved his life miraculously. We are fortunate that he did. His three-volume opus সাতচল্লিশ থেকে সত্তর এবং আগে পরে (Forty-seven to Seventy and Before / After) is an insider’s account about the Naxalbari movement of the last century. It is also an authentic document based on painstakingly researched first-hand information and statistical charts. Bharatjyoti’s book shatters many a myth about the movement. No researcher on the Naxalbari movement can do without these three volumes.]

*

উন্মাদদের দেশপ্রেম

বেঙ্গালুরুতে গ্রেফতার হ'ল ১৯ বছরের মেয়েটি [অমুল্যা লিওনা] দেশদ্রোহিতার অপরাধে ১৯ ফেব্রুয়ারি সন্ধ্যায়। তার অপরাধ এই যে, তার অনেক কথার মধ্যে একটি স্লোগান ছিলো ঃ পাকিস্তান জিন্দাবাদ। এই স্লোগানের সঙ্গেই আরও অনেক কথা ছিলো তার ---হিন্দুস্থান জিন্দাবাদ ও ছিলো ; সেই কথাগুলি শুনতে দেওয়া হ'ল না। মাইক্রোফোন কেড়ে নেওয়া হ' মেয়েটি দেশদ্রোহী এই সিদ্ধান্তে সুর মেলালো সবাই, ---সি এ এ, এন আর সি , এন পি আর বিরোধিতায় সামিল হওয়া হায়দারাবাদ এম পি আসাদুদ্দীন ওয়েসি (মজলিস ই ইত্তেহাদ মুসলিমীন এর প্রধান) থেকে কুর্ণাটকের মুখ্যমন্ত্রী এবং পুলিশ, --গদি মিডিয়া থেকে সোশ্যাল মিডিয়ার অনেকে এবং সেই কোরাসে গলা মেলালেন মেয়েটির বাবাও

"মেয়েটি দেশদ্রোহী এবং মাওবাদী" ----বললেন কর্ণাটকের মুখ্যমন্ত্রী (যেখানে যা কিছু ঘটে অনিষ্টি, মূলে কে তার কমনিস্টি কমনিস্টি)। অনেকেই তাকে পাকিস্তানে পাঠিয়ে দেবার পরামর্শ দিয়ে দিয়েছেন

বেশি কথা না বলে, আমার স্মৃতিতে উঠে আসা একটি দিনের কথা এখানে উল্লেখ করতে চাই। ১২ ডিসেম্বর ২০০৩ পাকিস্তান ইণ্ডিয়া পিপলস ফোরাম ফর পিস অ্যান্ড ডেমক্রেসি র পক্ষে প্রয়াত অধ্যাপক অশোক মিত্রের সভাপতিত্বে ভারতবর্ষের আরও প্রায় ২০০ জন প্রতিনিধির সঙ্গে আমি সকাল ৯-০ টায় করাচি রেল স্টেশনে নামি। ১২ -১৪ ডিসেম্বর, ২০০৩ করাচিতে অনুষ্ঠিত হয়েছিলো ষষ্ঠ যুগ্ম সম্মেলন

ট্রেন থেকেই আমরা দেখতে পাচ্ছিলাম ভারতীয় প্রতিনিধিদের সম্বর্ধনা দেবার জন্য বিশাল মণ্ডপ এবং জমায়েত। সে সব কথা বিস্তারিতভাবে এখানে বলার সুযোগ নেই। ফিরে এসে আমি একটি ছোট বই প্রকাশ করি ক্যাম্প থেকে 'ওয়াগার ওপারে' নামে। সে সব কথা সেখানে বিস্তারিত ভাবেই বলা আছে। আমি শুধু একটি স্লোগান এখানে উল্লেখ করতে চাই, যে স্লোগান টি সেদিন পাকিস্তানের উপস্থিত জনগণ, পাকিস্তানের প্রতিনিধিরা এবং ভারতের প্রতিনিধিরা এক সাথে মুহুর্মুহু দিচ্ছিলেন, --আমিও ঃ

জীবি জীবি পাকিস্তান

জীবি জীবি হিন্দুস্থান

*

Patriotism of the Insane



A nineteen-year-old girl, [Amulya Leona] was arrested and charged with treason in Bengaluru in the evening of 19 February. [She has been sent to 14 days’ judicial custody.] Her offence was that among other things she said, she chanted the slogan “Pakistan Zindabad!”

Amulya Leona said many other things besides those two words, including “Hindustan Zindabad!” But we were not allowed to hear the rest of her speech as the microphone was snatched away from her. Lots of people, from the crusader against CAA-NRC-NPR and Hyderabad MP, Asaduddin Owaisi to the BJP chief minister of Karnataka, quickly concluded that she was indeed a traitor. From Karnataka police to the lapdog media to many on the social media joined in the “traitor” chorus, including Amulya’s father. 

“The girl is a traitor and a Maoist,” proclaimed the Karnataka CM. (It reminds me of an old Bangla doggerel, which in a free translation into English could read, “Whether it’s an ulcer or a cyst, there has to be a communist.”) Many have suggested that she should be sent to Pakistan.

Without going too deep into the incident, I would like to share with you an occasion that floats to the surface of my memory. I, along with 200 delegates of Pakistan-India People’s Forum for Peace and Democracy under the leadership of our president, late Ashoke Mitra, got off the train at Karachi on 12 December, 2003 at 9 in the morning. The sixth joint conference of the forum was held between 12-14 December.

Even while we were on the train, we could see a huge gathering to welcome the Indian delegates and an impressive stage. Let’s not go into those details. After coming back, I published a short book titled ওয়াগার ওপারে (On the other side of Wagah). That book contains details about the conference. Here, I would just like to mention a slogan, which was repeatedly shouted by the Pakistani people present at the station, the Pakistani delegates, and every Indian delegate, including me:

Jeebi Jeebi Pakistan!
Jeebi Jeebi Hindustan!

[An endnote from the translator: When I began reading this, I considered another heading for the story “Welcome to Hindu Pakistan”. But when I reached the end, the thought comes to my mind that perhaps we are worse than Hindu Pakistan! Gentle Reader, what is your call?]


Monday 10 February 2020

CAA-NPR-NRC: Will they affect you?



I. The biggest issue of our time

Like most Bengali Hindu women of her time, my mother used to sit before an assortment of Gods at a corner of her room every morning after taking bath. She would quietly pray for some time. Every Thursday, she would perform Laxmi Puja by reading out a prayer book in a sing-song voice. Interestingly, one of the Gods in her collection was an image of Jesus Christ with a crown of thorns. She would also visit the nearby Kalighat temple whenever she could.

I wonder what my mother would have felt if someone asked her, ‘Prove that you are a Hindu.’ 

I believe she wouldn’t have had an answer. Now that the government is going to ask you and me ‘Prove that you are an Indian,’ how do you feel?

The biggest irony of our time is that while

  • The economy has come down from nearly 8% to 4.5% within a year in December 2019*, 
  • Unemployment is at a 45-year high, and 
  • The sanctioned budget for school education is being cut by ₹3,000 crore because of funds crunch, 

the Indian government is spending almost its entire energy on preparing a National Register of Citizens (NRC). And to do this, they are going to tell each one of us, ‘Prove that you are an Indian!’

What is the purpose of an NRC? Is it really necessary? How exactly will it be done? What will be its impact on you and me?

Let’s try to find answers to these questions.

[* The actual may be much lower, as low as 2 to 2.5% as stated by respected economists like Arvind Subramanian, the former Chief Economic Advisor to the Government of India.]

II. CAB-CAA-NPR-NRC: An alphabet soup

Let’s begin on 9 December 2019 (Monday), when the Home Minister of India, Amit Shah tabled a Citizenship (Amendment) Bill (CAB) in the Lok Sabha. This bill was to modify an earlier Citizenship Act of 1955. Lok Sabha passed the new bill next day. The Rajya Sabha approved it on the 11th and the President signed it on 12 December (Thursday) late in the evening. With his signature, the CAB became CAA, the Citizenship (Amendment) Act. Therefore, in just four days and almost without any debate in Parliament or outside, the government steamrolled the CAA, which, if implemented, is going to change India forever. I shall come back to the CAA in a moment.

Besides the CAA, the government also wants to prepare a National Population Register (NPR) in 2020. That isn’t new either. The earlier UPA government considered the idea, but didn’t implement it. Instead, after a lot of debate, it went for AADHAAR, which even the BJP government has certified to be foolproof. Therefore, we already have a “national population register” though in a different name. So, why does the government need one more?

Finally, the National Register of Citizens (NRC). For the state of Assam, an NRC was published on 31 August 2019 after five years of mammoth exercise. Through it, out of Assam’s 3 crore people, 19 lakhs were found to be “non-citizens”.

Let’s note that the central government wants to do the NRC exercise for the entire country, including Assam all over again. The Home Minister has announced it in the Parliament and elsewhere repeatedly. From videos available on YouTube, we see the Home Minister assert the following:

  • “Chronology to samjhiye (Understand the chronology).” And the sequence, according to him is: CAA will come first and then the NRC.  
  • NRC will be done before 2024 for the entire country.

CAB became CAA before the people of India could realise what was happening. But as soon as they did, a huge spontaneous uprising began. Nothing like this massive agitation has been seen since independence and the protests are on. In response, at a rally in New Delhi Ramleela Maidan on 22 December, Prime Minister Modi claimed, with mind-boggling dishonesty:
“I want to tell the 130 crore people of India that ever since my government came to power in 2014... from then until now... there has been no discussion on NRC anywhere... we only had to implement it in Assam to follow Supreme Court directives.” [India Today
However, the government hasn’t withdrawn NRC and NPR. Until that happens and until the government repeals the CAA, it remains valid and legally binding. The following pages will answer two questions:

    A. How are CAA-NPR-NRC connected?
    B. What will be their impact on us, the ordinary citizens of India?

III. What does CAA mean?

Basically, the CAA offers a path to Indian citizenship for some refugees in India. But the path is not open to all refugees. CAA will cover

Hindu, Sikh, Buddhist, Jain, Parsi, and Christian minorities
Who lived in Pakistan, Bangladesh, and Afghanistan,
Who were treated badly because of their religion, and
Who were forced to come to India before December 2014.

Pakistan, Bangladesh, and Afghanistan are all Muslim majority countries. The Indian government says that the new Act is an act of kindness for the suffering minorities there. The Indian government just wants to give them shelter. The new law – the government now says – will not affect citizens of India, including Muslims. What the government doesn’t say is that they themselves are going to decide who are “citizens of India”.

The problem with CAA is not what it covers, but what it doesn’t. The government doesn’t answer why it didn’t include our other neighbours, Sri Lanka, Myanmar, and Nepal in the Act. Also, there are lakhs of Tamil refugees from Sri Lanka and Rohingya Muslim refugees from Myanmar in India today. They have been left out of CAA.

The more glaring exclusion in the Act is that it covers all the religions practised in the subcontinent except Islam. This is the first time in independent India when religion is being used as a marker for citizenship. The law hits our country at a fundamental level. It damages the secular character of our country, which the Indian Constitution mandates.

Let’s now see how many people will benefit from CAA. According to an estimate prepared by the Intelligence Bureau of India, immediate beneficiaries of will be only 31,313 refugees: 25,447 Hindus, 5,807 Sikhs, 55 Christians, 2 Buddhists and 2 Parsis. [The Telegraph]

Also, on 19 January 2020 Finance Minister Nirmala Sitharaman said in Chennai that in the last six years, 2838 Pakistani, 914 Afghan, and 172 Bangladeshi refugees have been given Indian citizenship. Between 1968 and 2008, more than four lakh Tamils from Sri Lanka were given citizenship. [Times of India]

Therefore, the existing laws are good enough to grant citizenship to people who the government chooses. Clearly, we do not need a new law and such huge efforts and expenditure to grant citizenship to just 31,313 people. Let’s now try to understand why our ruling party is so desperate to introduce the new law.

The BJP argues that Muslim refugees have many Muslim countries to go to, but Hindus have only India. Therefore, they claim that CAA has been designed to protect non-Muslim refugees. This argument is flawed for two reasons.

First, Muslim refugees, say poor Rohingyas running away from certain death in Myanmar, with a just a bundle on their head, cannot be expected to charter an aircraft and fly to Pakistan or Iran.

More importantly, India is NOT a Hindu country. Pakistan was created as a Muslim nation, where people of every other faith were second-class citizens.

On the contrary, India chose a secular democratic path where every religion and language community was equal before the law. Please allow me to move away from CAA for a minute and glance through the comparative histories of Pakistan and India since 1947.

India has taken big strides in agriculture, science, technology, medical research, education, and gender equality (today, Indian women compete with men in every sphere and often outperform them). However, Pakistan has fallen far behind in each of the above areas. Besides, thanks to the persecution of Bengalis in East Pakistan, Pakistan broke into two countries in 1971 after tremendous bloodshed and suffering. Socially and economically, what survives as Pakistan is often referred to as a basket case or a failed state.

It’s important to understand the contrast between India and Pakistan because the Indian government today is about to take certain steps which look exactly like what Pakistan did in 1947.


IV. NRC, a time bomb ticking

As I have said, National Register of Citizens was prepared in Assam in 2019 after five years of war-like efforts. Through this exercise, out of 300 lakh people in Assam, 19 lakh couldn’t prove their citizenship (6 out of every 100 people). What happens to them?

The question of sending them to another country doesn’t arise. For a fact, they will lose their voting rights. They will also lose their jobs and properties. And they will be sent to detention centres. Many “non-citizens” are already in six detention camps set up within jails in Assam.

Bigger detention camps are under construction. Although the prime minister categorically denied it during his now infamous 22nd December Ramleela Maidan speech, investigations by journalists show that this claim was a blatant lie. For example, a report by India Today TV on 26 January showed that at Matia, in Goalpara District of Assam, a massive detention camp is under construction at a cost of ₹46 crore. It will have the capacity to hold 3,000 people. [India Today TV] 


Detention Centre under construction in Goalpara District, Assam [India Today]

If this doesn’t remind us of Nazi Germany, what will?

Let’s now move on to how the so-called “non-citizens” are identified. Even in the case of a murder, the accused is considered innocent until proven guilty. Proving guilt is the state’s responsibility. However, in Assam the “Supreme Court turned around the burden of truth and made it the responsibility of the common man to furnish the proof of his citizenship. He was looked upon as a foreigner until he proved his citizenship.” [Harsh Mander (Former IAS Officer and Activist) in Frontline]

The government spent over five years and reportedly, Rs.1,600 crores to complete NRC in Assam. But the people of the state have paid a much bigger price. Harsh Mander writes they were forced to run around for documents of land, birth and school certificates, and voters’ lists to prove that their parents and they were citizens of India. “If they failed, they ran the risk of being lodged for years in detention centres …, separated from their families, and threatened with deportation.” [Indian Express]

So, the poor desperately sold all their belongings and engaged expensive lawyers and had to deal with hostile and corrupt officials. The designated offices were often far away, which they had to visit multiple times, foregoing their daily work and income. They were often sent back for petty reasons, as it happens in government offices everywhere. In the end, three kinds of people were not able to prove their citizenship.
  1. Actual refugees who came in after the declared cut-off date
  2. Extremely poor Indians who have no documents, and little else
  3. Citizens who had minor discrepancies in their documents, for example, different English spellings of their name in two documents, say a land record and the voter’s ID. 

People have been put in detention centres for years. To quote Harsh Mander again:
The detention centres are like a jail within a jail. They do not even have the usual provisions of jails …. In a jail you can meet family once a week. Not so here. They do not have the right to work, right to parole, the families are separated, the husband in one jail, the wife in another, the children outside. [Frontline]

I would request that before you read ahead, please close your eyes and imagine the enormous suffering of such a family.

However, the Hindu fundamentalist BJP governments in New Delhi and Guwahati are not concerned with such minor issues. What put them in a fix was the religious backgrounds of the “non-citizens”. The exact figure is not known, but on 11 December, when the CAB had been tabled in the Parliament, the Times of India reported: “Five lakh Bengali Hindu NRC rejects will get citizenship. ” The report quoted the BJP chief minister of Assam Sarbananda Sonowal say,
“These people need to apply first… Then their applications will be assessed before they are granted citizenship. We expect to complete the process and give them citizenship before the next assembly elections in 2021.”

So, the cat is out of the bag. The CAA was required because BJP had to play the Hindu card and discriminate against “others”, and through this, find a way to rule over India for 50 years, as the BJP President Amit Shah grandly announced in 2019.

To put it simply,

  1. CAA became necessary because the BJP was trapped; Contrary to their expectations, Assam NRC has turned a huge number of Hindus into illegal migrants. 
  2. They are going to grant citizenship to the Hindu refugees using CAA, and showcase it in the rest of the country to divide the people along religious lines.
  3. They would make the CAA-NRC their main plank in West Bengal election in 2021, which they hope to win by dividing people, and later, go for an all-India NRC.
  4. If they are able to exclude say, a few crore of Muslims through the process, and make them non-voters, BJP will be able to lord over the country for decades to come. 

This, Dear Reader, is the real agenda behind CAA and NRC.

V. NPR: A road to NRC

The National Population Register (NPR) the government has planned now will be more detailed compared to AADHAAR or the earlier (abandoned) NPR. In the earlier NPR, which was discarded by the UPA government in favour of AADHAAR, some information was to be collected, like your name, sex, date of birth, marital status, occupation / activity, names of parents and spouse, place of birth, present and permanent addresses, and nationality.

In the new NPR, the government will ask each one of us to submit the following information too:
1. AADHAAR No. (Voluntary)
2. Mobile No.
3. Date & Place of Birth of Parents
4. Place of Last Residence
5. Passport No.
6. Voter ID Card No.
7. [Income Tax] Permanent Account No.
8. Driving License No.

The third element on the list is Date & Place of Birth of Parents. How many of us can provide this information? In India, crores of people don’t even know their own date of birth, how will they find out their parents’ date and place of birth? And what documents will they provide in support of their claim?

According to National Citizenship Act, 2003 passed by the Vajpayee government, government officials will go from door to door to collect information from people to prepare the NPR. They will return to their office and feed the data into their computers.

For NRC, government will not have to collect data afresh. The NPR data can be easily used for NRC as all the information will be digitised (that is, on computers). From that, the government will be able to prepare a list of D-voters, that is, “doubtful voters”, as in Assam. You and I will have no control on whether we will be marked as a D-voter. Sarkari babus will decide our fate.

Then the real harassment will begin. The government will summon whoever they have chosen to identify as a D-voter and demand from them documents to prove their citizenship. Curiously, the government has not yet found the time to clarify what documents will prove citizenship. In an interview however, the Home Minister said, AADHAAR is no proof of citizenship. We have also heard government sources saying passport is no proof of citizenship, it is only a travel document! Wah Bhai Wah!

For anyone among us who has obtained a voter card, passport, driving license, or even a ration card, we know how difficult and humiliating the process is. And how much money goes into the pockets of corrupt officials in the process. There’s little doubt that countless sarkari babus will become enormously rich if NRC is done.

On the other hand, ordinary people will not only go through tremendous mental stress, they will also have to spend their life’s savings and/or sell whatever they have or to get another piece of paper called the National Identity Card, over and above their voter ID, AADHAR, and ration card.

There are millions of exceedingly poor people in India, like Adivasis, who have no papers at all. I personally knew a girl from Chhattisgarh who couldn’t even travel by train as she had no ID card. She is not alone. There are millions like her. What will happen to them? Can we even imagine the scale of disruption to our life?

Let’s now move on to the cost of preparing an all-India NRC. Using the data from Assam, NDTV calculated that for each person, NRC cost ₹399. Therefore, for 137 crore people, the total cost will work out to ₹54,663 crore. Does the government have the right to spend such a colossal amount for something that will bring no benefit to the country?

Naturally, people are asking, since we have AADHAAR and Voter’s ID, what is the need for another card as all the information about people is already available with the government?

Finally, think of the government which seriously hates anyone who doesn’t agree with them. Their hatred for Muslims, Christians, and ordinary people who criticise them is well-known. Will it be too fanciful to suggest that the BJP is trying to carry out this disruptive process just to mark a large number of minorities and people who oppose them, and take away their voting rights?

To sum up,

  • CAA is discriminatory against Muslims to begin with. CAA can be used against others too, if the government wishes.
  • It changes the democratic structure of the country.
  • NPR is only a trick to collect information from citizens that can be used to prepare NRC.
  • NRC will be used to take away voting right of people who are likely to oppose BJP in future elections, so that BJP can rule over us for eternity.

Please think. Should we remain silent spectators to the trickery of the present government to divide Indians vertically among Hindus and Muslims? Should we allow the government to carry out its evil design to turn Muslims into second-class citizens? Hasn’t Pakistan already put similar discriminatory laws into practice showed their results?

We must resist the plan to turn India into a Hindu Pakistan with all our might. 

[The cartoon is Mumbai based artist Abhinav Kafare's brilliant take on the situation of India today]


Sunday 9 February 2020

Which side are you really on, Dear Didi?


In West Bengal, Ms Mamta Banerjee is the loudest and at times, a comical voice against the BJP. (Remember "kutush kutush korke katega"?) But how sincere is the voice? Can she be trusted when the people of Bengal face the BJP and its inevitable agenda of NRC (National Register of Citizens) in Bengal?

Make no mistake, if the BJP wins the state elections in Bengal in 2021, they will go all out for an NRC in there, their patented lies of “no plans for a nation-wide NRC” notwithstanding. And that will be the beginning of the end for the India as we know it. Not that the dismantling of India hasn’t begun already, but if the BJP gets a chance to form a government in Bengal next year, it will claim it has the stamp of "people's approval" on the process.

Coming back to where I began, why can’t we trust Ms Banerjee?

First, she has a long history of hobnobbing with the BJP. Not only was she a part of the Vajpayee’s NDA government, she didn't utter one word against the Gujarat carnage (2002), just like her mentor in the NDA, the late unlamented George Fernandes. She left BJP when she cynically believed it will help her get Muslim votes in Bengal as the community continued to be on the margins after decades of Left rule. Her often theatrical and insincere support to Muslims has only made life worse for the largely poor community which has had limited opportunity of education and in every other sphere. I am not going to elaborate this point because the focus of this post is different.

In recent times, her party issued a whip to oppose the CAB (Citizenship (Amendment) Bill) in Lok Sabha, which became CAA with the President's approval. But despite the enormous importance of the matter and despite a party whip, as many as eight of her MPs were absent at the time of voting (on 10 December 2019). Ms. Banerjee, known to be every bit dictatorial within her party, “condoned their absence”. [India Today Magazine, 17 December, 2019]

Let me now share with you a piece of news that has been buried in the vernacular papers in Bengal. Sovandeb Chattopadhyay, the electricity minister and a second-rung leader of Mamta’s party, was to lead a motion against the CAA at the assembly. He flatly refused to do so and even then, his boss Mamta condoned his wayward behaviour. If you were so cut up about the CAA and NRC, why didn’t you take your minister to task, dear two-faced Didi? More importantly, does a leaf fall within the Trinamool Congress without your approval? Come on! Who are you fooling?

Finally, does the name Parvesh Varma ring a bell in your head? I’ll be happy if it doesn’t. He is a BJP MP who cautioned the people of Delhi that the protesters in Shaheen Bagh are backed by men who would enter people’s homes and rape women if BJP didn’t win the Delhi state elections on 8 February. The comment was crude and despicable even by BJP’s abysmal standards.

But his wonderful value-based misogynistic party fielded that scoundrel to start the motion of thanks to the President’s address in the Lok Sabha on 3 February 2020. Let’s read what the Telegraph reported the next day.

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“Both Houses of Parliament were in uproar on Monday over the amended citizenship law and the nationwide protests against it, with the Opposition chastising the government for the instances of firing on peaceful demonstrations.

“The Lok Sabha Opposition stood in the well of the House chanting “Save our India”, “Save the Constitution” and “Goli marna bandh karo (Stop shooting)”.

“The Opposition members staged a walkout after the government underlined its brazenness by fielding Parvesh.
As soon as the Lok Sabha had assembled for Question Hour, members of the Congress, DMK and some other parties were in the well with placards, shouting slogans.

Trinamul Congress members remained seated despite their vehement opposition to the CAA, the National Population Register and the proposed National Register of Citizens, seeking to distance themselves from the rest of the Opposition.” [Emphasis added]

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Mamta Banerjee is by far the most dictatorial chief minister Bengal has ever had. In the last panchayat elections in WB, the opposition could not field candidates in 36% of the seats because of the terror created by her goons. (And the wise men sitting in Supreme Court thought it was okay!)

She also has far too many skeletons in its cupboard; honesty hasn’t been one of her strong points, to put it mildly. Almost her entire cabinet stood virtually naked in front of the camera in the Narda scam when they were seen taking wads of cash from a fake journalist. So, she has much to fear from the “caged parrots” of the central government.

Mamta Banerjee has changed parties in the past and as I have said, she didn’t utter a word when her beloved Muslim brothers and sisters were murdered and raped in open daylight in Gujarat. This lady cannot be trusted. Period.

Therefore, my message is clear and simple. Vote for CPIM and Congress in Bengal in 2021 if they have a decent chance of winning in your constituency. If not, vote for TMC and put public pressure on the party so that it cannot go for another summersault and join forces with the BJP.

And hope for the best.

05 February 2020
Updated on 07 February 2020

[Photo courtesy India Today]